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Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions [BARGAIN PRICE] (Paperback)
by Clyde Prestowitz (Author) "The title of this book is purposely provocative..." (more)
Key Phrases: legacy costs, strategic competitor, sunshine policy, United States, North Korea, World War (more...)
		
	
 
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Editorial Reviews
From Publishers Weekly
As the worldwide outpouring of post-9/11 sympathy for America has given way to worldwide anti-American protests, Americans are asking why the world hates us. This nuanced but unsparing book gives a bill of particulars. American high-handedness has exacerbated tensions in hot spots from the West Bank to the Korean peninsula. American unilateralism has sabotaged a host of international agreements on such issues as land mines, biological weapons and the International Criminal Court. America preaches free trade while protecting its steel, textiles and agriculture from foreign competition. America, Atkins argues, runs a wasteful, SUV-centered economy while it rejects treaties on the environment and global warming. America's self-proclaimed role as champion of democracy flies in the face of its history of installing and supporting dictators in countries from Indonesia to Iraq. Most of all, Atkins says, the world fears America's overwhelming military might, now ominously paired with a doctrine of "preempting" the emergence of rival powers. These problems have been much discussed of late, but Prestowitz, author of Trading Places, pulls them together into a comprehensive and historically informed survey of contemporary U. S. foreign relations. Although he forthrightly calls the United States an imperial power, Prestowitz, a former Reagan Administration trade official, is by no means anti-American. He insists that America's intentions are usually good, and that the world likes and admires Americans when they live up to their own ideals. Still, his is a damning portrait of the United States as seen through the angry, bewildered eyes of foreigners: selfish, erratic, hypocritical, muscle-bound and a bad citizen of the world.
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

Book Description
"It would be hard to imagine a better, or more readable, analysis of United States policy over the last fifty years than Clyde Prestowitz's Rogue Nation." --Brian Urquhart, The New York Review of Books

America's democratic ideals have long been the hope of the world, but our allies increasingly see us as abandoning those ideals. It's not hard to understand why. In the months before 9/11, the United States walked away from a number of international treaties including the Kyoto Accord. After the attack, the United States turned a cold shoulder to NATO's offers to assist with the invasion of Afghanistan, unilaterally terminated the ABM treaty, and actively opposed the creation of an International Criminal Court. Then came the war on Iraq, begun despite the clear refusal of the United Nations Security Council to authorize an invasion.

Obsessed with our own immediate military and economic security, we now deem institutions like NATO and the UN irrelevant. We have abandoned containment for a policy of preventive attacks on potential threats. More and more, we act alone, with little regard for the needs and goals of other nations.

Rogue Nation is not an argument against American dominance or the exercise of American power. It's an argument against stupidity, arrogance, and ignorance in the exercise of power. Prestowitz explores the historical roots of the unilateral impulse and shows how it now influences every important area of American foreign policy. Even now, when the need for multilateral action has never been greater, we continue to act contrary to international law, custom, and our own best interests. --This text refers to the Paperback edition.

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Product Details

    * Paperback: 336 pages
    * Publisher: Perseus Press (NON RETURNABLE ACCOUNT) (May 1, 2004)
    * ISBN-10: 0465062806
    * ASIN: B000A1ETWO
    * Product Dimensions: 7.8 x 5.2 x 0.9 inches
    * Shipping Weight: 12 ounces
    * Average Customer Review: based on 46 reviews. (Write a review.)
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First Sentence:
The title of this book is purposely provocative. Read the first page
Key Phrases - Statistically Improbable Phrases (SIPs): (learn more)
legacy costs, strategic competitor, sunshine policy
Key Phrases - Capitalized Phrases (CAPs): (learn more)
United States, North Korea, World War, Middle East, Saudi Arabia, President Bush, Soviet Union, West Bank, Latin America, South Korea, Security Council, White House, New York, Wagging the Dog, Two Tales, Hong Kong, Persian Gulf, The Unacknowledged Empire, Wall Street, Camp David, European Union, Southeast Asia, Endless War, State Department, Great Britain
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Citations (learn more)
This book cites 86 books:

    * Major Problems in American Foreign Relations: Since 1914 : Documents and Essays (Major Problems in American History Series) by Dennis Merrill in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
    * The Pursuit of Oblivion: A Global History of Narcotics by Richard Davenport-Hines in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
    * Blowback, Second Edition: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire by Chalmers Johnson in Back Matter (1), Back Matter (2), and Back Matter (3)
    * The Cold War by Mike Sewell on page 177, Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
    * Earth in the Balance: Forging a New Common Purpose by Albert Gore on page 128, Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)

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43 books cite this book:

    * America the Almighty by Stephen L. Damours on page 165, page 187, and page 220
    * One World Democracy: A Progressive Vision for Enforceable Global Law by Jerry Tetalman in Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
    * The Horrors We Bless: Rethinking the Just-war Legacy (Facets Series) by Daniel C. Maguire in Back Matter (1), and Back Matter (2)
    * Toward A New Political Humanism by Barry F. Seidman on page 168, and Back Matter
    * The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War by Andrew Bacevich in Front Matter

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90 of 102 people found the following review helpful:
A lifelong conversative argues against unilateralism, May 25, 2003
By 	D. Cloyce Smith (Brooklyn, NY) - See all my reviews
(TOP 500 REVIEWER)    (REAL NAME)   
This review is from: Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions (Hardcover)
"Rogue Nation" examines a host of issues on which the U.S. has found itself at odds with the world: free trade agreements, global warming, the Israel-Palestine conflict, the treaty to eliminate land mines, the creation of an International Criminal Court, the war on Iraq, and more. The book is valuable regardless of whether or not the reader agrees with Prestowitz's politics (he's a longtime conservative and a former Reagan administration official) or his opinions on environmental, economic, and foreign policy concerns. Indeed, it's often hard to pinpoint the author's place on the ideological spectrum. For example, many conservatives will disagree with his support of several international agreements discarded by the Bush administration. Both conservatives and liberals will be dissatisfied about his ambivalence on the need for the Kyoto Protocol on global warming. Many liberals will be turned off by his statement that, as of March 2003, "there is little choice for the United States and whatever partners it can gather to overthrow Saddam and occupy Iraq."

What troubles Prestowitz, however, is not America's international policies per se but the manner in which we pursue those policies--a manner that may not always meant to be arrogant but certainly seems to be to the rest of the world. What especially distresses him are certain unilateralist principles proposed and implemented by "neoconservatives" like Dick Cheney and Paul Wolfowitz.

In a way, it's too bad that Prestowitz chose such a deliberately provocative title, since the book itself, while undeniably opinionated, makes considerable effort to present both sides of every issue. Yet he correctly acknowledges that much of the international community regards the United States as a "rogue nation"--whether we are in fact or not. Likewise, the author contends that, although we are not technically an empire, we often behave like one--or, just as important, appear to others to have imperial pretensions. In a world where perception is reality, Prestowitz argues, it is foolish not to be concerned about international opinion, since we depend on other nations as much as they depend on us for both economic well-being and domestic security.

Above all, Prestowitz proposes that America's people and its leaders become better listeners--and Prestowitz himself is an astute listener. He has interviewed an impressive number of foreign diplomats, ambassadors, and government officials, and he faithfully presents their views even when he seems not to concur. What matters less to the author is how accurate international opinion is about American intentions or plans. Instead, he strives to understand how they arrive at contrary judgments: he provides historical context for various controversies and describes events, blunders, and misunderstandings that tend to support such mistrust.

He also contends that Americans often seem to treat other nations as inherently inferior or, even more insultingly, that we seem to feel that other cultures would be better off if they became just like us. As Prestowitz notes, "Nations are very much like individuals. More than desire for material gain or fear or love, they are driven by a craving for dignity and respect, by the need to be recognized as valid and just a valuable as the next person or country." Rather than forcibly imposing our lifestyle on reluctant populations, we would be far more productive in providing a model worthy of admiration, "a city on a hill"--especially since most of the world's peoples greatly admire Americans themselves while they regard our government's policies with increasing suspicion.

Prestowitz's treatise is enhanced by a riveting journalistic style, an impressive array of evidence, and a lucid synthesis of a variety of foreign policy issues. I don't always agree with his views or his conclusions. For example, while I support his argument that we should greatly lessen our military presence in the Persian Gulf, I don't buy his assertion that shrinking our dependence on Arab oil would cut off funding for terrorism. (Although a reduction in oil imports would offer many other benefits, the implication that boycott or impoverishment would reduce terrorism seems questionable.) Yet, even when one disagrees, the book is still informative and challenging, and I found his overarching thesis to be irrefutable: America cannot survive this century on its own, and we cannot continue to act as if we can.

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45 of 53 people found the following review helpful:
Required Reading!, August 5, 2003
By 	Barron Laycock "Labradorman" (Temple, New Hampshire United States) - See all my reviews
(TOP 50 REVIEWER)    (REAL NAME)   
This review is from: Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions (Hardcover)
In a world increasingly defined in simple stark contrasts of black and white, for us or against us, and good and evil, noted conservative author and social analyst Clyde Prestowicz adds some much needed perspective that both explains why the rest of the civilized world increasingly views us with suspicion and alarm, on the one hand, and why we are reacting to this seemingly new state of world affairs with dismay and righteous indignation. While we Americans are rightly outraged by the events surrounding 911, our reaction as though we were the only nation, or even the first nation, to experience such outrageously murderous attacks by terrorists is not correct; nor is it a helpful tact to use in then attempting to justify international military action against a foe we have not so far demonstrated had any role in such terrorist attacks. Based on this set of dangerous actions as well as a number of other unilateral actions, which collectively seem to signal a profound political indifference on our part toward legitimate international interests and concerns.

Thus, we thumb our noses at the United Nations and international law by unilaterally attacking Iraq, in defiance of agreements with the United Nations an NATO on the one hand, and in violation of the Geneva Convention and the Treaty Of Westphalia as well. After nearly ten yeas of painstaking efforts by politicians from 46 countries to define, negotiate, and finalize the so-called Kyoto Accords, a set of international agreements to slow down the degradation of the environment and help mitigate a multitude of problems associated with air, water, and ground pollution, the Bush administration suddenly reversed the course of the two previous administrations and refused to recommend ratification of the accords. Moreover, we also unilaterally abrogated from participating in the International Criminal Court system, and walked away from the mutually binding agreement with the former Soviet Union not to develop or deploy anti-ballistic missile defense systems. From stem to stern, the Bush administration seemed to be telling the world that it was our way or the highway.

In so doing, Mr. Bush has done much to convince the world the USA cares only about ourselves. And it is this issue regarding the differences in our policies and our perceived consciousness of ourselves that the author mines such a provocative essay on what it means to be an American in today's complex and permanently interdependent world, and what we must understand about the rest of the world in order to act in a way that serves both our own interests and considers theirs as well. We must reconcile our self-image as the champion of freedom and liberty with our actions abroad, supporting democratic institutions instead of paying mere lip service to doing so while forging alliances with despots, dictators, and military juntas. More than anything, we must reassure our allies and friends abroad, from France to Japan, from Australia to Canada, and from China to Germany, which we are the defenders of freedom and liberty we claim, and that we are not attempting to foist onto the world a new century of American hegemony. This book is essential reading for concerned American citizens, and one that derives a lot of credibility based on the author's impeccable conservative credentials. Enjoy!

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38 of 41 people found the following review helpful:
Coservative Republican Christian Patriot Skewers Bush Team, August 30, 2003
By 	Robert D. Steele (Oakton, VA United States) - See all my reviews
(TOP 50 REVIEWER)    (REAL NAME)   
This review is from: Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions (Hardcover)


This book should shake the very foundations of the White House, because it is the first really well-documented discussion of--as the title defines--why America under the neo-conservatives has become a rogue nation. However, it is important to emphasize that at the institutional and cultural level, the author's critique carries backward to the Clinton Administration and forward to all but one Democratic candidate (Bush Lites).

I consider it extremely important that the author is a conservative Republican, Christian, and patriot with a proven track-record as head of the Economic Strategy Institute--a man who understands what moderate Republicans have been trying to tell the incumbent all along: fiscal prudence, no deficit, multilateral treaty adherence, these all provide for stability. If Bush is worried about 12% of the Republicans voting for Dean, after this book is read and absorbed by the educated and moderately-well off Republican base, he should start thinking in terms of losing 25%. This book is political and economic DYNAMITE.

In ten thoughtful chapters, all well-sourced and well-indexed, and complemented by a *superb* five page list of additional recommended reading, the author lays out, with objective precision and a clear love of country extant throughout, why American unilateralism and all we have done since 2000 has been "stupidity, arrogance and ignorance in the exercise of power."

His early use of Webster's definition of "Rogue" as "deviant, having an abnormally savage or unpredictable disposition" not only suits the unilateralist Bush team perfectly, but makes it clear that in objective terms, as perceived by the rest of the world--not just the Middle East, but the responsible Asian powers as well as what Rumsfeld revealingly denigrates as "old Europe"--the USA is indeed a "rogue nation."

A few small quotes capture the value of this work, which I have heavily marked-up and which I recommend be read carefully, every word, by anyone contemplating their vote for November 2004 and beyond:

According to former EU Ambassador to the US, Hugo Paemen: "...while your intentions are usually good, your actions are frequently informed by ignorance, ideology, or special interests and can have very damaging consequences for the rest of us."

One Latin American Ambassador is quoted as saying, "The United States mistrusts the whole world. It relies only on military force and has no vision of itself working with others."

Other authorities quoted by the author characterize US national security and foreign policy as "ambivalent", defined by "inconsistency and neglect."

The author is especially strong on documenting the inconsistencies and incoherence of the over-all US national security strategy, and brings his special competency in international economic strategy to bear. He says, "An important aspect of the American empire is that because Americans don't see it as such, few look at the totality or thinking about where it is going and what it needs, and certainly no one is in charge. This inattention creates neglect and incoherent, often contradictory policy initiatives."

Taking Africa in particular, a continent that Henry Kissinger says will be the ultimate test for US policy (see my review of "Does America Need a Foreign Policy"), the author is brutally candid: "In West Africa, the face of American-style globalization and free trade is not the hope-inspiring one of Colin Powell, but a harsh, hypocritical one that inspires a drift to radicalism and perhaps to terrorism. The cost of dealing with that would, of course, far exceed anything spent on subsidies or aid."

Skipping over the many other excellent and honestly presented thoughts the author presents in this book, which is a "must read, right now" book, I will end with three quotes that capture the urgency and relevancy of this book to the future of the Republic.

At the top of page 277: "The imperial project of the so-called neoconservatives is not conservatism at all but radicalism, egotism, and adverturism articulated in the stirring rhetoric of traditional patriotism. Real conservatives have never been messianic or doctrinaire. The very essence of conservatism, which the neoconservatives constantly preach, is limited government. Yet the imperial project they are proposing will greatly increase the role of government both at home and abroad. ... This is not conservatism. It is Big Government."

At the bottom of page 281, "The procedure of American foreign policy badly needs to be reviewed. It is terribly damaging when one or two powerful congressional chairpersons can dictate U.S. policy, despite a lack of significant public support. Even more importantly, the question of who decides when America goes to war desperately needs to be clarified. Congress seems to be less and less involved. But America was not meant to be run by a Caesar." [The author goes on to discuss how a more democratic and openly derived holistic national security strategy would not only resolve the instability associated with mis-directed globalization, but also address the fundamental: water scarcity, disease, deforestation, soil depletion, and overpopulation.]

On page 284, the last page, "Particularly, I would like to remind my fellow Christians of the words of Oliver Cromwell, who enjoined in a letter to the Church of Scotland, 'In the bowels of Christ, please believe that you may be wrong.' As an elder of the Presbyterian Church, I [the author] want to emphasize that Christ was no about nations and power, and did not spread his gospel by force. ... Politicians who use God as prop for their campaigns should remember that 'God is not mocked.' An America that stressed its tolerance rather than its might, its tradition of open inquiry rather than its way of life, and that asked for God's blessing on all the world's people and not just its own, would be the America the world desperately wants."

This book brought tears to my eyes. This is a great book, a worthy book, and the author merits our most earnest and respective attention and appreciation.

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