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Editorial Reviews
From The Washington Post's Book World/washingtonpost.com

George W. Bush ran for president in 2000 as a realist who would eschew nation building overseas, and warned that if the United States was an arrogant nation, others would not respect us. Sept. 11 changed everything. It not only shifted the focus of his foreign policy to a war on terrorism, but also provided an opportunity for some in his administration to advance their longstanding plan to use force to remove Saddam Hussein in Iraq.

President Bush correctly refocused his foreign policy on what Lee Harris calls in Civilization and Its Enemies "the greatest threat facing us . . . the collision of this collective fantasy world of Islam with the horrendous reality of weapons of mass destruction." But the means he chose to implement that strategy have been more controversial. Harris writes that "we are now living in a world where decent and sincere men and women attack the United States for removing Saddam Hussein, the archetype of the ruthless gang leader . . . . They condemn the United States president for declaring a war on terrorism." But Harris glides over the very serious question of whether Saddam had anything to do with Sept. 11, and what connection there is between the war on international terrorism and war in Iraq. Instead, he says, the way to know whether you are standing on the right side of history is to ask, "Do you want to see the rule by gang go the way of slavery and be driven from the face of the earth, or do you believe that rule by gang is a natural right?" This is a highly oversimplified choice.

Harris argues that it is "in the interest of civilization" to keep the legitimacy of Pax Americana intact. This, he says, requires avoiding three perils: The United States cannot become an arrogant empire, but must rather be a first among equals. Intellectuals must abandon the pursuit of abstract utopias and fantasy ideologies. And we must all overcome a collective tendency toward forgetfulness. It's easy to agree with that level of generality. But Harris fails to be convincing in his defense of President Bush against charges of arrogance. "Contrary to [Fareed] Zakaria's analysis, what we are seeing is not the result of the incompetence of the Bush administration but the absolutely inevitable unfolding of an entirely new epoch in human history," Harris writes; only the United States can ultimately decide what is to be done, and "the United States represents the ultimate source of legitimacy in the world."

Harris understands the importance of America's soft power -- our ability to attract others. "America's enormous strength in the world" arises not from military hardware or technology, "but rather from the miraculous civil ecology that has no example to rival it, with the sole exception of Rome." But what Harris does not adequately examine is that our attractiveness as a shining city on the hill can be undercut by policies that others see as illegitimate. Polls show that the recent decline in America's attraction to much of the world is the result of our foreign policy rather than our culture. The way we pursue our policies has affected others' perceptions of our legitimacy. Since legitimacy rests in the eyes of the beholders, it is not sufficient to simply assert the superiority of our civic culture.

Harris believes that war is the wrong metaphor for the current struggle against terrorism. The perpetrators of Sept. 11 were not rational warriors in the tradition of Clausewitz, but fantasists in a symbolic drama in which the United States was a prop. The action was valuable to them in itself, not as a means to a political bargain. Such useful insights, as well as interesting detours into Plato, Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel and other philosophers make the book valuable, if not always convincing.

The Iraq war is also a major factor in Kenneth Timmerman's view that France "in many ways has declared itself an enemy" and is "growing away from America." While "France has always loved to play the spoiler's role," he writes in The French Betrayal of America, in this case it went too far. "The enormous difference between those two positions -- legitimate dissent and active subversion of America's right of self-defense -- was not lost on George W. Bush and his top advisers, who renamed the French toast served on Air Force One 'Freedom toast.' " Timmerman does not dwell on the question of the extent to which the Iraq war was self-defense, but he points out that French claims of logic and consistency in their objections "were based on the role of France -- not the United Nations -- in determining world affairs."

Why did President Chirac part ways with President Bush over Iraq? Why, in Timmerman's analysis, did he "cast aside the 225-year-old alliance with America in favor of a tinpot dictator from a mud-and-wattle village on the outskirts of Tikrit whose ability to survive was cast in doubt"? One reason was popular politics: Eighty percent of the French public supported the decision to keep France out of the war. In addition, he was concerned not to anger the more than five million Muslim residents of France. A third reason was oil, not only because of the potential lucrative contracts, but also because of the need to assure an adequate supply. Above all, in Timmerman's view, "opposing America and saving Saddam was going to be Chirac's ticket to history's hall of fame."

Whatever the merits of these arguments, there are also credible alternative hypotheses. Writing in the Nation on Feb. 16, Harvard professor Stanley Hoffmann argued that France had informed the United States that it would contribute forces if there was evidence of Saddam's terminal unwillingness to get rid of weapons of mass destruction. In addition, according to Hoffmann, France did not regard Iraq as a clear and present danger to the United States, and feared the war in Iraq would divert resources from the war on terrorism and attract terrorists to Iraq. As Hoffmann put it, "sometimes it is the sharpest critics who have the most foresight."

Timmerman is particularly strong on the history of French relations with Iraq and the massive corruption involved in arms and oil deals between the two countries over three decades. As a reporter in France for 18 years, he was a well-placed observer. While he footnotes many of his accusations, he also protects his sources in some of the most interesting cases (as any good reporter must), and we are left to judge their veracity on our own.

These books are interesting in opposite ways: Timmerman is strong in detailed reportage, Harris in high-altitude political philosophy. But both authors are supporters of the Iraq war -- and both their arguments fail to convince. As the current cliché goes, what they conclude depends on how they have chosen to connect some widely separated dots.

Reviewed by Joseph S. Nye Jr.


Copyright 2004, The Washington Post Co. All Rights Reserved. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

Review
“Timmerman is particularly strong on the history of French relations with Iraq and the massive corruption involved in arms and oil deals between the two countries over three decades. As a reporter in France for eighteen years, he was a well-placed observer.” —Washington Post

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Product Details

    * Paperback: 336 pages
    * Publisher: Three Rivers Press (March 22, 2005)
    * Language: English
    * ISBN-10: 1400053676
    * ISBN-13: 978-1400053674
    * Product Dimensions: 7.9 x 5.3 x 0.8 inches
    * Shipping Weight: 9.1 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
    * Average Customer Review: based on 65 reviews. (Write a review.)
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Citations (learn more)
4 books cite this book:

    * J. Christoph Amberger's Hot Trading Secrets: How to Get In and Out of the Market with Huge Gains in Any Climate by J. Christoph Amberger in Back Matter
    * Vile France: Fear, Duplicity, Cowardice and Cheese by Denis Boyles on page 24
    * A Call to Action: The Handbook to Unite and Ignite America's Betrayed and Imperiled Public by A.T. Theodore on page 42
    * A Matter of Principle: Humanitarian Arguments for War in Iraq by Thomas Cushman in Front Matter

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65 Reviews
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195 of 257 people found the following review helpful:
Wow! A must-read!, March 17, 2004
By 	A. Delgado "harvardlaw2002" (New York, NY) - See all my reviews
(REAL NAME)   
This review is from: The French Betrayal of America (Hardcover)
Regardless of one's views on the Iraq war (I'm undecided), most Americans (war supporters and war protestors alike) were puzzled by France's ardently vicious, even hysterical, opposition to the war in Iraq. At first, the initial opposition just seemed rooted in the common anti-American sentiment found in France/Europe. However, after a few days, and after Mr. Chirac devoted all his time to seeking out allies for this opposition, many started to wonder WHY the French government was taking it so personally! No government would go this much out of their way just to promote "peace." Can anyone really believe that France and Mr. Chirac would go on such an intense campaign against the war simply because they believed in the war was morally wrong? C'mon! There had to be more to this... This "more" is what Mr. Timmerman lays out, with irrefutable evidence, in his book.

I found the book to be an outstanding testament to what France's true motivations were -- not peace, but rather greed. France did not want to see Saddam deposed because that would ruin it's oh-so-lucrative multi-billion dollar deals with the dictator's regime. In other words, France felt that allowing Americans to depose a dictator who unspeakably tortured people and, many argue, posed a threat to global security, came in second to its greed for oil and money. As Timmerman explains, France/Chirac had a cozy, quid-pro-quo arrangement with one another which was incredibly lucrative for both: France would sell Iraq top-secret military techology and weapons in exchange for Iraq's oil and money. Putting aside the fact that selling military technology and weapons to a ruthless dictator and world-safety-hazard like Hussein is highly questionable, what's even worse is the way the European media and Mr. Chirac refused to admit that this lucrative relationship was France's actual reason for opposing the war!

Ironically, many uninformed, unread individuals claimed AMERICA was going to war with Iraq for oil, yet it seems it was Mr. Chiraq and the French who were the oil-mongers...

Mr. Timmerman's book gives the reader all the facts he or she is looking for, and then some. This book stands as a testament to the fact that, as truth seekers, we must always search for the true motivations behind a government's stance.

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55 of 70 people found the following review helpful:
Not as incendiary as it's title, March 27, 2004
By 	Sean D. Gerstenlauer (Oakland, CA United States) - See all my reviews
(REAL NAME)   
This review is from: The French Betrayal of America (Hardcover)
The reviewer below didn't read the book. Timmerman presents a fairly balanced account. The crux of his argument is that the "French" betrayal is in many ways more of a "Chirac" betrayal, and Chirac really does seem like a cad. I found the narrative about the U.S./Mitterand (a Socialist) relationship to be saddening; how even when our two countries were deeply at odds the bond created by our shared values held fast. The "balance" in this book comes out during these parts. Germany, France, and to a much lesser degree, the US, were guilty of hardcore realpolitik in their support of Iraq over Iran. The French were frustrated by our lack of "sophistication" in our approach to the Arab world, but at the end of the day France, especially Mitterand would come out on the side of "freedom"(their words). Chirac's personal corruption and disturbingly close, personal relationship with Saddam Hussein and Tariq Aziz, the French Arm's industry's utter dependence on Iraqi purchases (which amounted to more than Frances own military), and abundant "oil" bribery left France under Chirac no choice but to betray its old friend in the US. It was pleasing to read that though many of the French have been completely steeped in anti-Americanism to justify this betrayal, ther are still many Frenchmen who find this knife in the back to be appalling. This book could have used a bit more in the way of personal interviews and quotes (this is when it is best) and a little less in the way of historic footnotes, but in the end its an important read.

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26 of 36 people found the following review helpful:
Non, je ne regrette rien, July 14, 2004
By 	Andrew S. Rogers (Seattle, Washington) - See all my reviews
   (TOP 500 REVIEWER)    (REAL NAME)   
This review is from: The French Betrayal of America (Hardcover)
Like another writer, I have to wonder whether all the reviewers who gave this book a single star actually bothered to read the thing. Few of those reviews sounded at all like they were talking about the same book I read. If you're willing to set aside knee-jerk assumptions -- if you have them -- about the meretriciousness of the Bush Administration, and also ignore the unfortunate and loaded word "betrayal" in the title (a point I'll get back to in a moment), there's actually quite a bit of important reporting going on here. Kenneth Timmerman should be thanked for uncovering it and bringing it to our attention.

One area where this book could have been stronger is in explaining more thoroughly how French actions in the run-up to the Iraq war were consistent with that nation's political culture. I think this is a critical point ... and while I was glad to see it mentioned finally in the author's discussion of Dominique de Villepin and his devotion to Napoleon Bonaparte, hero of megalomaniacs everywhere ... I wish this point had been given more prominence. Here, a title like Nadeau and Barlow's "Sixty Million Frenchmen Can't Be Wrong" is a very useful companion. The general context of Timmerman's insights -- for example, his flat statement that the French "have consistently favored authoritarian regimes over democracy, not just in the third world but also in Europe" (p. 253) -- would have been harder to understand without having already read that other book.

Even without that grounding, however, Timmerman lays out a strong case for why the French -- and especially President Jacques Chirac -- were so adamant in opposing attempts to put the screws on Saddam Hussein. He charts the long and tortuous history of French investment in Iraq, as well as Chirac's personal, decades-long friendship with Saddam. Chirac, whom Timmerman tags as "the head of the unofficial 'Iraq Lobby' in France" since the mid-1970s (p. 43), comes across as absolutely the worst -- from Bush's standpoint (or best, from Saddam's) -- person to be running France at this time. His motivations are complex, ranging from his desire to keep France separate from the U.S. and a key player in world events ... to his oft-repeated conviction that he speaks for "eighty percent" of the world's population ... to the simple and mercenary fact that he has long received kickbacks from corporations doing business in Iraq. "Chirac knew that France would never get the same kinds of deals from a free Iraqi government" (p. 242), and so he was willing to sink France and America's centuries-long partnership in order to protect and defend a savage dictator.

In sum, Timmerman makes a pretty ironclad case that French opposition to military action against Saddam was based less on high-minded rejection of war (though, of course, the French are hardly capable of waging war any more [p. 24]) than on a self-interested devotion to commercial advantage and geo-political positioning. And while we may find this outrageous, I'm not convinced "Betrayal" is really the right word. It implies France has some sort of obligation to the U.S., or that the French "sold us out" somehow. And despite Timmerman's frequent use of "marriage" as a metaphor for the long partnership between the two nations, I don't think either implication really applies. As Lord Palmerston noted, nations have no permanent friends, only permanent interests. If French and American interests diverged over Iraq, it may be regrettable but it probably doesn't constitute "betrayal."

But even if you don't agree with that element of Timmerman's conclusions, the facts he uncovers and the details he lays out are the important, and timely, part of this book. Rather than raging about "freedom fries" and how many Frenchmen it takes to defend Paris, people seeking to understand the why and the how of this episode in diplomacy could do a lot worse than to look deeply into the picture Kenneth Timmerman has painted.

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  	Most Recent Customer Reviews

Our "Allies" the French.
This very well documented, authoritative book opened my eyes into the behavior of the French government vis-a-vis the U.S. effort in the war on terror. Read more
Published 6 months ago by J. B. Paley

The Frenchies get fried
A great read. Timmerman documents very closely the close ties that France has had for many years with America's enemies and indeed the worlds enemies. Read more
Published 14 months ago by Yschiros

Experience and Information trumps Ideology
Whenever I read reviews on a book, such as this, written by individuals who spend little time discussing the content of the book and focus on formulaic rhetoric (most not even... Read more
Published 17 months ago by David Robison

freedom fries
Jacket descriptions of this book (published in 2004) include "Can we trust France? Apparently not...Here is the shocking insider account. Read more
Published 21 months ago by ct reader

America WAKE UP!
I will keep this pithy because so many others have justifiably written praise for this book. But too many passive Americans need to wake up, as to why France turned in opposition... Read more
Published 23 months ago by Diane Dee

Don't Waste Your Money
ZERO STAR. This book is pure and unadulterated Jewish pro-Israel propaganda, the same type that Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz used to sell hatred against Iraq. Read more
Published on July 14, 2005 by Jim Reed

Not bad but could have been less boring
I liked it overall, even though the writer went in too much detail. Since I already knew most issues he spoke about it got kind of boring at times. Read more
Published on July 2, 2005 by Victoria

embedded truth
For the reader with the time and interest, there is a lot of good information in Timmerman's book. The reason I give it only one star is that the reader has to mine the ore, sift... Read more
Published on May 18, 2005 by John

garbage!
its books like this that will be used to keep fires going when our country and the rest of the world falls into turmoil due to the conservative mentality of waste, sacrificing... Read more
Published on May 10, 2005 by tupac wayne gacy

DIFFICULT TO WRITE A WORSE BOOK
It would be difficult to write a worse book than this one. This is an overt attempt to do a hatchet job on France and on Europeans in general. Read more
Published on January 21, 2005 by "A Reviewer"

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